The decision of the Registrar of Societies (ROS) to reinstate Datuk Seri Chua Soi Lek as MCA Deputy President was the key and turning point for the victory of President Datuk Seri Ong Tee Keat and Dr Chua in the Central Committee (CC) meeting held on 3 Nov. ROS's decision was not surprising as the Prime Minister had already said that MCA must resolve its party crisis as soon as possible.

During the Gerakan national delegates conference opening ceremony on 1 Nov, Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak said: “So, if there are any internal problems, resolve them quickly. What are you waiting for?”

Coincidentally, former Prime Minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad also believed that a fresh polls would further split the party. Najib wanted it to be solved immediately. And thus, the greater unity plan was in line with the will of BN leaders. That was why ROS suddenly changed its stand.

With ROS' “support”, Ong boldly and confidently sacked four CC members who supported Vice-President Datuk Seri Liow Tiong Lai, and passed the greater unity plan with the support of 27 CC members. Official and party positions will be distributed by Ong and Dr Chua and thus, Liow has been forced into a dead corner. He does not has much bargaining chips to revive.

The following points are disadvantageous to Liow:

1. Even though if the second Extraordinary General Meeting (EGM) can be held smoothly, there may still be technical problems affecting the legacy of it: The President has replaced the Legal Bureau Chief and the Ong faction is holding the right to interpret the legacy of the EGM. Even if the Liow faction is going to revise the second resolution, there will still be a controversy on whether the signatures of the sacked CC members are still effective.

   And Liow faction's argument for the EGM will as well be rejected by the CC. The CC may not recognise the voting results of the EGM based on technical factors.

   According to the party constitution and the ROS Act, the party's internal affairs are not allowed to be brought to court, including the “double deputy presidents” issue.

2. The Liow faction may be weakened: Over 20 CC members supported Liow after the 10 Oct EGM but now, only 15 CC members do not support the greater unity plan. The number may keep reducing. If Liow's supporters split for their own interests, his forces will be weakened.
3. The Chinese community no longer give their support: During the previous party crisis between Tan Koon Swan and acting President Datuk Neo Yee Pan in 1980, Neo sacked 14 leaders at all levels and Chinese associations strongly supported Tan. Such a situation will not happen again today as the party crisis has disappointed the people. Under the threat of Pakatan Rakyat, BN leaders wish not to see the party crisis to continue.

Of course, it does not mean the end for the Liow faction. If they have technical problems for EGM, they may still go to the grassroots and call one-thirds of the central delegates to convene an EGM and hold a fresh polls. They may as well file an emergency motion during the party's annual national delegates conference at the end of the year, seeking for a rejection for the greater unity plan. But the prerequisite is, it must first be included in the agenda.

After the Public Accounts Committee (PAC) named former Transport Minister Tan Sri Chan Kong Choy in its report for alleged criminal breach of trust (CBT) over the Port Klang Free Zone (PKFZ) project, there may be new changes in the party. Would the party's veterans allow Ong and Dr Chua to carve up the whole party, causing the party to lose all its prestige?

Liow still have the support of MCA Youth and Wanita Chiefs. Whether he is able to revive and gather up the forces that are dissatisfied with Ong and Dr Chua, it all depends on his leadership prestige and strategies. If he fails to change the overall situation within a short period of time, he will have to wait for the next party elections or just “return to the brigade”. (By LIM SUE GOAN/ Translated by SOONG PHUI JEE/ Sin Chew Daily)